泛民上海之行由長毛爆晒響口說帶六四物品起，已注定四分五裂，徒勞無功。老實說，你們在事前要求甚麼見面方式，中央照單全收，但說做「大龍鳳」，是泛民，不是中央。
八十年代由港同盟與匯點合併開始，泛民是有核心，有共主。管你喜歡與否，李柱銘的霸氣，司徒華的權威，足足二十年有多將香港民主運動逐步推向頂點，李主打法制和民主理論，司徒則重黨紀以及六四以致中國民主運動。二者互相呼應，維繫一眾新人。
但自李退下民主黨第一線，司徒身體亦漸差，後繼無人之餘，陳太本可有政治能量成為新共主，卻惜身如玉，錯過帶領新一浪向前；余若薇民望雖高，一來乏第三者的魅力，二來亦不斷鑽在法制的空隙，予人未有政治量度之餘，也在上次選舉落敗。
如今泛民的後腳已被悄悄霸佔空間的激進派拖住，後者有智有謀又去得盡，泛民甩不了道德高地的枷鎖，民主黨又因上一次妥協(其實做法正確)而固步自封，算吧！無新領袖維繫，無新思維，更政治技倆不如中央，前途黯淡矣！
You are absolutely correct. By supporting a lot (as much as possible)
One can ascertain that one will achieve some kind of relative response depending on how co incidental the responsive data is to the attention. If the optimal supportive motivation is relative to the foundation (wether valid or not) a supportive return will follow.
Accuracy is the issue. This is an hypothetical deduction (not quite as comprehensive as educational requirements are about here in North America) but by any of the individuals motive intelligence. Linguistics and vocabulary play the most important part of communication. Gaps of data in verbal communication only provide confusion.
To express anything at all one must work untill one can say what one means in its entirety otherwise one will express a peer groups distrust and desire to avoid the issue. The bottom line is to study practical, basic, fundemental, primary, ground level technicalities of domestic level to know for sure one is known for sure and this aspect goes far and beyond the experience of the
marriage relationship which is considered by most the most complete education for the poor. From your good friend Bruce K. Paxton
